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National security and strategic affairs

From threats to the national interest: how a strategist thinks

By · Published · 7 min read

Translation published · Arabic original

A strategic document can easily open with a list of risks. It is harder to explain what the state intends to achieve under their pressure. The distinction matters: starting only with a threat leaves the state following an opponent's tempo; starting with a clear interest allows it to decide which threats deserve priority, what costs are tolerable and which instruments actually serve its objective.

Iraq has a National Security Strategy for 2025–2030, published through a government body under the title “Iraq First”. In August 2025, the EU Advisory Mission in Iraq described preparatory implementation work covering responsibilities, a roadmap, resources and performance. The document and the preparatory work are documented facts; successful implementation requires independent measurement. Strategic thinking addresses precisely this gap between announcing a direction and producing an outcome. Government source; EUAM Iraq.

Central argument

The national interest is not another name for fear of an opponent. It is a public outcome to protect or achieve, grounded in a legal framework and translated into priorities, instruments and cost limits. Strategic thinking defines the outcome first, then examines threats, opportunities and available capacity in its light.

Distinguishing an interest from a wish or slogan

A state may want greater influence, expanding trade, less external dependence and increased social spending simultaneously. Limited resources mean that accumulating objectives does not create a strategy. An interest becomes actionable when its public beneficiaries, desired outcome, time horizon and non-negotiable limits are identified. Its formulation remains a matter for institutional debate, not a truth whose definition belongs exclusively to one political actor.

Here, the national interest means a public benefit connected to the state's continuity, society's rights and welfare, and independent decision-making, with instruments that can be publicly justified and examined. This does not imply agreement about priorities. Citizens may disagree over a trade agreement's costs or an infrastructure project. Productive disagreement concerns results, evidence and the distribution of benefits and risks, rather than questioning every opponent's national loyalty.

Article 8 of Iraq's Constitution establishes a foreign-relations framework based on good neighbourliness, shared interests and peaceful dispute resolution. These principles do not spare policymakers difficult choices, but they prevent an immediate impulse from becoming a complete national policy merely by invoking sovereignty. Source.

A threat describes what could obstruct the objective

A threat is potential harm with a source or mechanism and an exposed target. Its source may be intentional, as in an armed attack, or lack political intent, as in an epidemic or widespread breakdown. Practical risk also depends on exposure, vulnerability and response capacity. An opponent's possession of a harmful instrument alone does not fully establish the likelihood or consequences of its use.

A strategic memorandum should therefore move beyond “this is a threat” to explain which interest is threatened, through what pathway, and what new evidence would change the assessment. The last question matters because a strategy without conditions for revision may become a commitment to defending an old diagnosis regardless of changing circumstances.

Confusing instruments with interests is another recurrent mistake. Building a facility, buying a system or signing an agreement are possible instruments. The outcome may be continuity of service, reduced exposure or protection of sovereignty. When the instrument becomes the objective, stopping or replacing a weak project becomes difficult: abandoning the tool is interpreted as abandoning the interest.

From classification to trade-offs: a hypothetical Iraqi example

Suppose the aim is to reduce a critical facility's exposure to interruptions. Three approaches might be considered: expand production capacity, provide a backup or reduce demand and waste. This is a reasoning example, not an assessment of a particular Iraqi project. Expansion may take time and require financing and continued operation; backup can reduce interruption costs but needs maintenance and testing; efficiency can save resources but requires data, incentives and fair enforcement.

Defining the interest as preventing interruption of an essential function makes a considered combination of instruments possible. Defining it as one named project settles the instrument before alternatives are examined. Scenarios then become useful: what if funding is delayed, a supplier fails or demand increases? A scenario is not a prediction. It exposes conditions whose absence makes the decision fragile.

The calculation must also identify who bears the cost. An action that improves the overall average while shifting harm onto a vulnerable region may generate problems of trust and distribution. Every benefit need not be equal immediately, but the trade-off should be explicit and defensible, with compensation or review mechanisms where losses are severe.

The fiscal constraint is part of security

In its 2025 consultation report on Iraq, the IMF estimated that the fiscal breakeven oil price rose to approximately $84 a barrel in 2024, compared with about $54 in 2020. This is a historical fiscal estimate, not the market price or a measurement for 2026. It illustrates why public commitments cannot be separated from the capacity to finance them. Source.

The analytical implication is that priority depends on an objective's importance relative to competing needs, not on its importance in isolation. Funding a new asset while neglecting existing operations can raise nominal capacity while leaving the actual function fragile. An urgent remedy may likewise reduce today's cost while increasing tomorrow's commitment. Assessment must cover construction, operation, maintenance, alternatives and exit, rather than initial expenditure alone.

A budget can reveal the gap between statements and action. If a document calls a function's protection a priority but assigns neither clear funding responsibility nor adequate implementation authority, it has not yet become an accountable policy. This does not necessarily show bad faith: overlapping mandates, poor design or insufficient resources may explain it. Different causes require different remedies.

Turning strategy into a decision that can be reviewed

I propose a concise record for each strategic decision connecting the desired outcome to examined alternatives, critical assumptions, the responsible institution, resources, an outcome indicator and a condition for reconsideration. This makes disagreement specific: an assumption, cost or deadline can be challenged instead of debating broad statements that cannot be tested.

An output indicator differs from an outcome indicator. Approving a training plan is an administrative output; improved performance under a realistic test is a possible outcome requiring evidence. Signing a cooperation memorandum alone does not establish greater independence, deterrence or efficiency. The proper comparison asks what changed against a known baseline and whether the decision or an external circumstance caused the change.

Uncertainty cannot be resolved by pretending to precision. Reversible steps, staged reviews and limited trials before expansion can help. Yet caution itself costs something when delay causes harm. The strategist's task is to make this trade-off and the limits of knowledge clear to the decision-maker, rather than hide a difficult choice behind technical language.

Answering the central question

The strategist moves from interest to threat, then returns to the interest after testing instruments. The sequence begins with the public outcome, examines sources of obstruction, capacity, alternatives and costs, and finally identifies evidence that would show the approach is working. Responses to events thereby become part of a broader direction, rather than multiplying responses in place of having a direction.

For Iraq, three methodological options stand out: keep expanding risk lists, turn strategy into separate projects, or build an explicit chain from interests to decisions, resources and outcomes. The third demands more data, coordination and accountability, but makes it possible to identify failure and repair it. That capacity to learn is essential to sustained, independent decision-making.

Ali Zuweid — Researcher in strategic affairs and national security

Sources

  1. وزارة الإعمار والإسكان — استراتيجية الأمن الوطني العراقي 2025–2030 — 2025-09-11
  2. EUAM Iraq — Paving the way for Iraq’s “Iraq First” National Security Strategy — 2025-08-21
  3. مجلس النواب العراقي — الدستور العراقي، المادتان 8 و9
  4. صندوق النقد الدولي — مشاورات المادة الرابعة مع العراق لعام 2025 — 2025-07-09

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